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Showing posts with label army. Show all posts
Showing posts with label army. Show all posts

Sunday, March 15, 2015

Classified U.S. Military Document: Syrian Rebels DO Have Chemical Weapons

Al Qaeda In Syria Had Sarin Before August Attack

We’ve extensively documented that the Syrian rebels do have access to chemical weapons.
It turns out that a classified U.S. military document says the same thing.
A former senior security policy analyst in the office of the secretary of defense, F. Michael Maloof,reports at WND:
In a classified document just obtained by WND, the U.S. military confirms that sarin was confiscated earlier this year from members of the Jabhat al-Nusra Front, the most influential of the rebel Islamists fighting in Syria.
The document says sarin from al-Qaida in Iraq made its way into Turkey and that while some was seized, more could have been used in an attack last March on civilians and Syrian military soldiers in Aleppo.
The document, classified Secret/Noforn – “Not for foreign distribution” – came from the U.S. intelligence community’s National Ground Intelligence Center, or NGIC, and was made available to WND Tuesday.
It revealed that AQI had produced a “bench-scale” form of sarin in Iraq and then transferred it to Turkey.
A U.S. military source said there were a number of interrogations as well as some clan reports as part of what the document said were “50 general indicators to monitor progress and characterize the state of the ANF/AQI-associated Sarin chemical warfare agent developing effort.”
“This (document) depicts our assessment of the status of effort at its peak – primarily research and procurement activities – when disrupted in late May 2013 with the arrest of several key individuals in Iraq and Turkey,” the document said.
“Future reporting of indicators not previously observed would suggest that the effort continues to advance despite the arrests,” the NGIC document said.
The May 2013 seizure occurred when Turkish security forces discovered a two-kilogram cylinder with sarin gas while searching homes of Syrian militants from the al-Qaida-linked Jabhat al-Nusra Front following their initial detention.
The sarin gas was found in the homes of suspected Syrian Islamic radicals detained in the southern provinces of Adana and Mersia.
Some 12 suspected members of the al-Nusra Front were arrested. At the time, they were described by Turkish special anti-terror forces as the “most aggressive and successful arm” of the Syrian rebels.
In the seizure, Turkish anti-terror police also found a cache of weapons, documents and digital data.
***
Sources tell WND the documentation indicates that deadly sarin poison gas was manufactured in a Sunni-controlled region of Iraq and then transported to Turkey for use by the Syrian opposition, whose ranks have swelled with members of al-Qaida and affiliated groups.
High-level former U.S. intelligence officers say that it was the rebels – not the Syrian government – which carried out the chemical weapons attack.
They note that their high-level intelligence colleagues currently working in U.S. intelligence agenciesagree.
The director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare from 1988 to 2004 – who was a former senior consultant for the U.S. Department of Defense and the U.S. Department of State – (Yossef Bodansky) also says that the rebels were the perpetrators of the chemical attack.

Saturday, March 14, 2015

COIN US Army Manual – Paradoxes of Counterinsurgency Operations

from The U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual

Sometimes, the more you protect your force, the less secure you may be Counterinsurgency (COIN) presents a complex and often unfamiliar set of missions and considerations. In many ways, the conduct of COIN is counterintuitive to the traditional U.S. view of war—although COIN operations have actually formed a substantial part of the U.S. military experience. Some representative paradoxes of COIN are presented here as examples of the different mindset required. These paradoxes are offered to stimulate thinking, not to limit it. The applicability of the thoughts behind the paradoxes depends on a sense of the local situation and, in particular, the state of the insurgency. For example, the admonition “Sometimes, the More Force Used, the Less Effective It Is” does not apply when the enemy is “coming over the barricades”; however, that thought is applicable when increased security is achieved in an area. In short, these paradoxes should not be reduced to a checklist; rather, they should be used with considerable thought.
Ultimate success in COIN is gained by protecting the populace, not the COIN force. If military forces remain in their compounds, they lose touch with the people, appear to be running scared, and cede the initiative to the insurgents. Aggressive saturation patrolling, ambushes, and listening post operations must be conducted, risk shared with the populace, and contact maintained. The effectiveness of establishing patrol bases and operational support bases should be weighed against the effectiveness of using larger unit bases. (FM 90-8 discusses saturation patrolling and operational support bases.) These practices ensure access to the intelligence needed to drive operations. Following them reinforces the connections with the populace that help establish real legitimacy.
Sometimes, the more force is used, the less effective it is
Any use offeree produces many effects, not all of which can be foreseen. The more force applied, the greater the chance of collateral damage and mistakes. Using substantial force also increases the opportunity for insurgent propaganda to portray lethal military activities as brutal. In contrast, using force precisely and discriminately strengthens the rule of law that needs to be established. As noted above, the key for counterinsurgents is knowing when more force is needed—and when it might be counterproductive. This judgment involves constant assessment of the security situation and a sense of timing regarding insurgents’ actions.
The more successful the counterinsurgency is, the less force can be used and the more risk must be accepted
This paradox is really a corollary to the previous one. As the level of insurgent violence drops, the requirements of international law and the expectations of the populace lead to a reduction in direct military actions by counterinsurgents. More reliance is placed on police work, rules of engagement may be tightened, and troops may have to exercise increased restraint. Soldiers and Marines may also have to accept more risk to maintain involvement with the people.
Sometimes doing nothing is the best reaction
Often insurgents carry out a terrorist act or guerrilla raid with the primary purpose of enticing counterinsurgents to overreact, or at least to react in a way that insurgents can exploit—for example, opening fire on a crowd or executing a clearing operation that creates more enemies than it takes off the streets. If an assessment of the effects of a course of action determines that more negative than positive effects may result, an alternative should be considered—potentially including not acting.
Some of the best weapons for counterinsurgents do not shoot
Counterinsurgents often achieve the most meaningful success in garnering public support and legitimacy for the HN government with activities that do not involve killing insurgents (though, again, killing clearly will often be necessary). Arguably, the decisive battle is for the people’s minds; hence synchronizing IO with efforts along the other LLOs is critical. Every action, including uses of force, must be “wrapped in a bodyguard of information.” While security is essential to setting the stage for overall progress, lasting victory comes from a vibrant economy, political participation, and restored hope. Particularly after security has been achieved, dollars and ballots will have more important effects than bombs and bullets. This is a time when “money is ammunition.” Depending on the state of the insurgency, therefore, Soldiers and Marines should prepare to execute many nonmilitary missions to support COIN efforts. Everyone has a role in nation building, not just Department of State and civil affairs personnel.
The host nation doing something tolerably is normally better than us doing it well
It is just as important to consider who performs an operation as to assess how well it is done. Where the United States is supporting a host nation, long-term success requires establishing viable HN leaders and institutions that can carry on without significant U.S. support. The longer that process takes, the more U.S. public support will wane and the more the local populace will question the legitimacy of their own forces and government. General Creighton Abrams, the U.S. commander in Vietnam in 1971, recognized this fact when he said, “There’s very clear evidence, … in some things, that we helped too much. And we retarded the Vietnamese by doing it. … We can’t run this thing. … They ’ve got to run it. The nearer we get to that the better off they are and the better off we are.” T.E. Lawrence made a similar observation while leading the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire in 1917: “Do not try to do too much with your own hands. Better the Arabs do it tolerably than that you do it perfectly. It is their war, and you are to help them, not to win it for them.” However, a key word in Lawrence’s advice is “tolerably.” If the host nation cannot perform tolerably, counterinsurgents supporting it may have to act. Experience, knowledge of the AO, and cultural sensitivity are essential to deciding when such action is necessary.
If a tactic works this week, it might not work next week; if it works in this province, it might not work in the next
Competent insurgents are adaptive. They are often part of a widespread network that communicates constantly and instantly. Insurgents quickly adjust to successful COIN practices and rapidly disseminate information throughout the insurgency. Indeed, the more effective a COIN tactic is, the faster it may become out of date because insurgents have a greater need to counter it. Effective leaders at all levels avoid complacency and are at least as adaptive as their enemies. There is no “silver bullet” set of COIN procedures. Constantly developing new practices is essential.
Tactical success guarantees nothing
As important as they are in achieving security, military actions by themselves cannot achieve success in COIN. Insurgents that never defeat counterinsurgents in combat still may achieve their strategic objectives. Tactical actions thus must be linked not only to strategic and operational military objectives but also to the host nation’s essential political goals. Without those connections, lives and resources may be wasted for no real gain.
Many important decisions are not made by generals
Successful COIN operations require competence and judgment by Soldiers and Marines at all levels. Indeed, young leaders—so-called “strategic corporals”—often make decisions at the tactical level that have strategic consequences. Senior leaders set the proper direction and climate with thorough training and clear guidance; then they trust their subordinates to do the right thing. Preparation for tactical-level leaders requires more than just mastering Service doctrine; they must also be trained and educated to adapt to their local situations, understand the legal and ethical implications of their actions, and exercise initiative and sound judgment in accordance with their senior commanders’ intent.
Copyright notice: Excerpt from pages 47-51 of The U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual by the United States Army and United States Marine Corps, published by the University of Chicago Press. (Footnotes and other references included in the book may have been removed from this online version of the text.)

United States Army and United States Marine Corps
The U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual
With Forewords by General David H. Petraeus and Lt. General James F. Amos and by Lt. Colonel John A. Nagl. With a New Introduction by Sarah Sewall.
©2007, 472 pages, 30 figures, 33 tables
Paper $15.00 ISBN: 978-0-226-84151-9 (ISBN-10: 0-226-84151-0)
For information on purchasing the book—from bookstores or here online—please go to the webpage for The U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual.

See also:

Monday, February 16, 2015

Iraq's Prime Minister says they are preparing to retake Mosul from ISIS / Daesh

Iraq's Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi says its armed forces are preparing for an offensive to retake the northern city of Mosul from Islamic State (IS) (Video Link Here)
.
Mr Abadi told the BBC he hoped Mosul would be liberated in a few months' time, and with a minimum of casualties.
Mosul, which was home to more than a million people, fell to IS last June.
Mr Abadi also said he had been "a bit frustrated" in his first few months in office by the slowness of international help for the fight against IS.
But in recent weeks, he added, the situation had changed for the better.
Co-ordination
Mr Abadi replaced his party colleague, Nouri Maliki, as prime minister in September. Mr Maliki, also a Shia Muslim, was widely criticised for alienating Iraq's Sunni Arab minority by pursuing sectarian policies.
Iraqi security forces on Anbar-Najaf border
Iraqi security forces, trained and backed by the US military, have been trying to retake territory from IS
IS is believed to have capitalised on that alienation when it captured large parts of northern and western Iraq last summer, routing the army.
Soldiers and allied Shia militiamen have now begun to retake territory north of the capital Baghdad with the help of US-led coalition air strikes, while Kurdish Peshmerga forces have made advances around Mosul.
In an interview with BBC World Affairs editor John Simpson, Mr Abadi said Iraqi government forces were "planning an offensive on Mosul in the next few months".
However, he did not specify when the offensive might be launched, saying that he hoped it would be before the end of the year.
The timing of the assault depended "on the situation on the ground" and "our own preparation", he said.
line
Analysis: John Simpson, BBC world affairs editor
Haider al-Abadi gives the impression that he wants to run Iraq as rationally and unemotionally as he ran his engineering company during his exile in the UK.
His predecessor, Nouri Maliki, was often accused of pushing the sectarian interests of the Shia population. Mr Abadi says he is determined to end sectarianism, and to govern in the interests of Iraq as a whole.
Is he right to be optimistic about winning back Mosul?
Islamic State is being pushed back right across Iraq, and although it still controls around a quarter of Iraqi territory it no longer inspires the terror it once did.
Last June, when IS fighters attacked Mosul, the Iraqi army just ran away. Now, the Abadi government is confident that the army, together with civilian volunteer fighters from across the country, can win Mosul back over the next few months.
If that does happen, it will be a staggering blow to Islamic State.
line
Mr Abadi said the operation's success would also hinge upon close co-ordination between Iraqi security forces, the US military, and the Peshmerga.
"We don't want problems in liberating Mosul, or friction in that sense," he explained.
IS fighters parade in MosulIS fighters have held Mosul, one of Iraq's largest cities, since last summer
The Iraqi leader said he initially wished that the US-led coalition could have acted faster in the campaign against IS.
"I was a bit frustrated in my first three months of being a prime minister because of the slowness of this support."
But, he said, it had improved in the last four or five weeks, adding: "I think the air campaign has increased in its quality and intensity."
Mr Abadi ruled out the need for US ground troops in the campaign, saying his country needed other forms of help, such as weapons and training.
He also said he opposed closer involvement from other countries in the region in the fight against IS.
Map showing airstrikes against IS in Syria and Iraq since 8 Aug 2014
"We welcome their support, but not for these countries to get involved inside Iraq."
"We will end up having not only helpers on our hand, but countries and intelligence agencies and armies trying to achieve their own interests."
Despite Mr Abadi's assertion, regional Shia power Iran has played a key role in countering IS inside Iraq. Tehran has sent Revolutionary Guards to advise the Iraqi security forces, Iranian pilots have carried out air strikes, and Iranian-backed Shia militia have been mobilised and armed.

Monday, December 10, 2007

'Because We're Here Boy, No One Else; Just Us.'

http://becausewerehereboy.blogspot.com/
This is a new web site I was refered to by some COIN friends. It is very interesting. He is in Afrrica and this sounds like a rough area. These men and women here don't get enough thanks and praise from the home front, but trust me they deserve tons.

About the Author

Carl
I have been a cab driver, worked in an amusement park, worked in construction, been a state police officer (where almost all the guys I arrested listed their profession as "construction worker") and been an airline pilot. Now I fly people who do good things for others, around central Africa. My e-mail address is rogcopy@hotmail.com

Sunday, July 29, 2007

Michael Yon on YouTube

Mr. Yon's latest dispatch is posted: "Bread and a Circus." He will be on the Dennis Miller show live in few hours. The time for the show is 1015 EST. Please click here to visit Dennis' site. "The man is hilarious", says Michael Yon.

Mr. Yon is now taking a quick break from the war and is in Singapore.

If you can't find it on Dennis Miller's Web Site Click Here I saved the Audio Interview to my dot com. Dennis is funny and smart, the interview is very good!!!!! - Ian Bach

Interview with Iraqi Army

Leading from Behind

Be sure to read Michael Yon's articles at http://www.michaelyon-online.com. The information is much more in depth and informative then any video could be.

Sunday, June 24, 2007

Michael Yon - Drilling for Justice

Baqubah

by Michael Yon

There is much work to do here, especially if the Iraqi Police continue to perform below expectations. The absence of strong local leadership is a large part of the reason AQI was able to move in and set up a shadow government in Baqubah, complete with its own court system, torture house and prison. These three pegs of the AQI justice system have been found here in the past week. The judges who administer Sharia law and issue fatwas are called Muftis. A Mufti is a “high value target” because he would have deep connections in AQI in order to have such a trusted position of power.

Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) had tarnished its name here by publicly attacking and murdering children, videotaping beheadings, all while imposing harsh punishments on Iraqi civilians found guilty of violating morality laws prohibiting activities like smoking. The AQI installed Sharia court had sanctioned the amputation of the two “smoking fingers” for those who violated anti-smoking laws. In part because local sentiment was shifting against it, AQI synthesized with other groups and undertook an image makeover, christening itself “The Islamic State of Iraq.” But the new name was just lipstick on a pig here.

more here

Saturday, May 19, 2007

Iraq's Sadr Overhauls His Tactics

Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, May 20, 2007; Page A01

NAJAF, Iraq -- The movement of Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr has embarked on one of its most dramatic tactical shifts since the beginning of the war.

The 33-year-old populist is reaching out to a broad array of Sunni leaders, from politicians to insurgents, and purging extremist members of his Mahdi Army militia who target Sunnis. Sadr's political followers are distancing themselves from the fragile Shiite-led government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, which is widely criticized as corrupt, inefficient and biased in favor of Iraq's majority Shiites. And moderates are taking up key roles in Sadr's movement, professing to be less anti-American and more nationalist as they seek to improve Sadr's image and position him in the middle of Iraq's ideological spectrum.

"We want to aim the guns against the occupation and al-Qaeda, not between Iraqis," Ahmed Shaibani, 37, a cleric who leads Sadr's newly formed reconciliation committee, said as he sat inside Sadr's heavily guarded compound here.

Sadr controls the second-biggest armed force in Iraq, after the U.S. military, and 30 parliamentary seats -- enough power to influence political decision-making and dash U.S. hopes for stability. The cleric withdrew his six ministers from Iraq's cabinet last month, leaving the movement more free to challenge the government.

(full article click here)

Friday, May 4, 2007

Britain's war in Afghanistan: training the Afghan army

Helmand province, Afghanistan: There have been four attempts to forge a strong, central Afghan army since the 18th century. Each has failed, frustrated by war, invasions or stubborn conservative tribesmen.

In the last of his three audio-visual reports from the frontline, Declan Walsh joins the fifth attempt as British troops train their Afghan counterparts.

Press below to start the slideshow

War in Afghanistan: Declan Walsh's audio-visual reports from the frontline
Thristy to fight, hard to wake up
More on Afghanistan



http://www.guardian.co.uk/slideshow/page/0,,2071336,00.html